Criminal InJustice In America

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Racism and Injustice In the Criminal Justice System

Felony disenfranchisement rates for voting-age African Americans reached 7.

Criminal justice reform doesn't end system's racial bias

In three states, more than one in five voting-age African Americans is disenfranchised: Florida, Kentucky, and Tennessee. See: Stolberg, S. The majority of disenfranchised Americans are living in their communities, having fully completed their sentences or remaining supervised while on probation or parole. As the research presented in this report indicates, the causes of the racial disparities in the U. Beliefs that the current system is unaffected by centuries of an explicitly racist past is wishful thinking and potentially blinds decision makers to the implicit racial bias that orients the American consciousness and is embedded in its formal policies.

The United States can adopt concrete measures to reduce both the existence and the effects of racial bias in its criminal justice system. The United States should substantially end its War on Drugs. Specifically, the Department of Justice should reconsider and reduce the volume of low-level drug offenders prosecuted in federal court. State officials can also adopt law changes to divert prison-bound defendants into effective alternatives to incarceration programs.

Local police departments should significantly scale back drug arrests. The resources saved by decreasing the number of prosecutions should be invested in evidence-based drug prevention and treatment measures. The United States should eliminate mandatory minimum sentences. Judges should be allowed to consider individual case characteristics when sentencing a defendant in every case. Mandatory sentences do not eliminate discretion in the courtroom—they simply shift it from judges to prosecutors, thereby reducing transparency in decision making.

Defendants should be detained pretrial only if they pose a safety or flight risk, not because they cannot afford to post bail. A well calibrated and transparent risk-assessment instrument can be used to determine who should be released on their own recognizance, who should be released with some requirements, and who should be detained. The United States should fully fund and staff indigent defense agencies through an appropriate mix of local, state, and federal resources.

The federal government should increase support for training and technical assistance for indigent defense, and document shortcomings of jurisdictions that fail to meet established bar association standards for caseloads and professional training. Policies should be adopted at the federal and state levels requiring the use of racial impact statements for proposed sentencing policies. Such a policy would require legislators to prepare an analysis assessing the possible disparate racial consequences of any proposed legislation before enacting it in order to avoid any unintended disparate racial effects.

Four states—Iowa, Connecticut, Oregon, and New Jersey—have adopted racial impact statement requirements since The United States should develop and implement training designed to mitigate the influence of implicit racial bias at every level of the criminal justice system: police officers, public defenders, prosecutors, judges, jury members, and parole boards.

While it is difficult to eliminate completely racial bias at the individual level, studies have repeatedly shown that it is possible to control for the effects of implicit racial bias on individual decision-making. Rachlinski et al. In other words, while it may be impossible in the current culture of the United States to ensure that individuals are cognitively colorblind, it is possible to train individuals to be behaviorally colorblind.

Denying the right to vote to an entire class of citizens is deeply problematic to a democratic society and counterproductive to effective reentry. The federal government should allow Americans to vote regardless of their conviction status, and certainly after they have concluded their sentences. States should also allow the full democratic participation of their citizens. Government officials should also revise policies that serve no public safety function but impose collateral consequences on people with criminal convictions—such as in the realms of employment, education, housing, and in the social safety net—and encourage similar reforms in the private sector.

For decades, the United States of America has employed mass incarceration as a convenient answer to inconvenient questions. These policies have produced dramatic rates of incarceration, with a particularly disproportionate impact on communities of color. In addition to the range of harmful consequences to people of color, mass incarceration has been a failed policy in regard to public safety outcomes. Research has documented that the effect of imprisonment on crime rates has been modest, and that at current levels the scale of incarceration is well past the point of diminishing returns for public safety.

Mass incarceration has diverted resources from prevention and treatment initiatives that could have produced far more effective approaches to crime reduction. In recent years, the U. The government continues to both foster and perpetuate inequalities in clear violation of its obligations under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights as well as other international agreements. The proliferation of racial disparities in the U.

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Behind each statistic lies the face of a young black man or woman whose potential has been cut short by a harsh prison sentence mandated by draconian drug laws. Behind each percentage point lies the face of a Latina child who will only know her parents through hurried, awkward visits in a prison visitation room.

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Behind each dataset lies a community of color bereft of hope because its young people have been locked away. It is the human face—a face of color—of the racial injustice of the United States criminal justice system that is the most compelling reason for reform. It is time for the United States to take affirmative steps to eliminate the racial disparities in its criminal justice system.

As former Georgetown Law Professor David Cole states in his book No Equal Justice , These double standards are not, of course, explicit; on the face of it, the criminal law is color-blind and class-blind. Thus: More than one in four people arrested for drug law violations in was black, although drug use rates do not differ substantially by race and ethnicity and drug users generally purchase drugs from people of the same race or ethnicity. Table 43A; Johnston, L. Criminology , 44 1 , —37 pp.

National Institute of Justice. The War on Marijuana in Black and White. The policy, which broadly targeted male residents of neighborhoods populated by low-income people of color to uncover drugs and weapons, was shown to be ineffective, and this assessment was further validated when New York City continued its crime decline after scaling back Stop and Frisk. Yet other localities continue to deploy the practice.

Think Progress. New York City, like many other cities, remains reluctant to scale back Broken Windows Policing, a public safety approach that relies on clamping down on petty offenses and neighborhood disorder.

Trends in Misdemeanor Arrests in New York. New York Daily News. Yet research shows that order-maintenance strategies have had only a modest impact on serious crime rates and have caused great damage to communities of color. These strategies also expose people of color to a greater risk of being killed during a police encounter.

Thus: In recent years, black drivers have been somewhat more likely to be stopped than whites but have been far more likely to be searched and arrested.

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The causes and outcomes of these stops differ by race, and staggering racial disparities in rates of police stops persist in certain jurisdictions—pointing to unchecked racial bias, whether intentional or not, in officer discretion. Nationwide surveys also reveal disparities in the outcomes of police stops. Police Behavior during Traffic and Street Stops, Bureau of Justice Statistics; Eith, C.

Contacts Between Police and the Public, Bureau of Justice Statistics. Louis, Missouri suburb. Investigation of the Ferguson Police Department. ArchCity Defenders, authors of an early and influential white paper on the troubled municipal court system, has demonstrated that many other St. Louis municipalities have similar or worse practices than Ferguson. Municipal Courts White Paper.

Louis, MO. Pretrial African Americans were incarcerated in local jails at a rate 3. See: Nellis, A. These include: Biased use of discretion: Prosecutors are more likely to charge people of color with crimes that carry heavier sentences than whites. Federal prosecutors, for example, are twice as likely to charge African Americans with offenses that carry a mandatory minimum sentence than similarly situated whites. The Yale Law Journal , 2 , State prosecutors are also more likely to charge black rather than similar white defendants under habitual offender laws.

Criminology , 36 3 , — Policies that disadvantage people of color: Drug-free school zone laws mandate sentencing enhancements for people caught selling drugs in designated school zones. All 50 states and the District of Columbia have some form of drug-free school zone law. Policies that disadvantage poor people: Most jurisdictions inadequately fund their indigent defense programs. While there are many high-quality public defender offices, in far too many cases indigent individuals are represented by public defenders with excessively high caseloads, or by assigned counsel with limited experience in criminal defense.

Race and the Criminal Justice System

Public defenders in Louisiana have recently sued the state and those in Kansas City, Missouri have protested their crushing caseloads. Recommendations to the UN Special Rapporteur As the research presented in this report indicates, the causes of the racial disparities in the U. End the War on Drugs.

Eliminate mandatory minimum sentences. Reduce the Use of Cash Bail. Fully fund indigent defense agencies. Adopt a policy requiring the use of racial impact statements. Develop and implement training to reduce racial bias. Address Collateral Consequences. Conclusion For decades, the United States of America has employed mass incarceration as a convenient answer to inconvenient questions. Download PDF. Related Posts news.

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